It has been little more than two months that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi has come to power in New Delhi after defeating the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government that governed India for ten years. As soon as the results were declared of the BJP’s decisive victory, several projections and views emerged about the probable foreign policy that India is likely to adopt in its immediate neighbourhood, with Western and Eastern powers as well as with the Middle Eastern countries. Of all these, one diminutive country that has caught significant attention is Israel, with whom India established diplomatic relations only in January 1992. Both these countries with their so-called “right-wing” governments are likely to enhance their overall bilateral relations.
Presently, relations between India and Israel is a rock-solid one characterised by a robust military-security, economic, technological and scientific, and other civilian ties such as agricultural development, desalination and water recycling. In fact, several agricultural centres have already been established in different Indian states as a result of this co-operation. Alongside economic and civilian ties, one sector that is definitely going to see an improvement is the military cooperation between the two countries. Currently, Israel is the second largest arms supplier of India with a bilateral arms trade over the last decade estimated at $10 billion. Both the countries are striving unrelentingly to enhance their defence cooperation, most of which involve enhancing arms trade and furthering joint projects. Undoubtedly, defence cooperation has become one of the most important pillars of Indo-Israeli ties.
There are already indications that the present Indian government under Modi is planning to improve the already-robust military ties with Israel. Without going into the detail of earlier relations between the two countries under the leadership of Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the foundation laid by the leaders of his government while solidifying ties with Israel must be acknowledged. Special mention has to be made of the visit of then Indian Home Minister L.K. Advani to Israel in 2000 where he met with the Israeli President Ezer Weizman and several other Israeli leaders and discussed with the top Israeli police brass, various techniques employed by them to curb terrorism. In a quick succession, former Foreign Minister Jaswant Singh visited Israel in 2001 and established the Joint Working Group on Counter Terrorism. These visits had become important landmarks in the evolution of India-Israel ties.
While the Congress party normalised India’s relations with Israel in the early 1990s, it was the BJP-led NDA government that ascended to power in 1998 which hardened New Delhi’s military cooperation with the Jewish state. The defence cooperation grew considerably as Israel stepped up its arms sales to India while most major countries restricted their technological exports to the country following the 1998 Pokhran nuclear test. Further, the ties were solidified by Israel's willingness to supply arms, including ordnance, laser guided bombs, and unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) during the 1999 Kargil War between India and Pakistan. Israel’s quick response to India's request for military assistance during a crisis increased its credibility as a reliable arms supplier and helped to bolster the bilateral relationship. In the making of such relations, Israel’s late Prime Minister Ariel Sharon remained as a prominent figure who transformed India-Israel relations to that of strategic ties, which currently encompass cooperation even in missile defence and counter-terrorism. Importantly, similar outlook of both the countries to contain terrorism effectively within their own region is a factor that binds them together firmly.
As it happened in the past, the present BJP-led government has already started initiatives to enhance defence ties with Israel. Meanwhile, the new cabinet has a few ministers who are in favour of forging closer cooperation with Israel in all the sectors, and one of them is the Foreign Minister Sushma Swaraj who once called the Jewish state "a reliable partner" and is believed to be strong admirer of Israel’s former Prime Minister Golda Meir. Modi’s appointment of Swaraj as the Foreign Minister bodes well with the current momentum at which both India and Israel is warming up to one another. In fact, the Israeli Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman contacted his Indian counterpart and discussed means to enhance mutual cooperation. Just before India’s election results were announced, Narendra Modi was even referred to as "Israel's best friend in South Asia". This was mainly considering his long association with the Jewish state and its leaders. Modi even visited Israel in 2006 when he was the Chief Minister of Gujarat. There are deep economic and trade links as Israel has invested billions of dollars for various projects in Gujarat. In January 2013, Modi personally hosted the Israeli ambassador to India, Alon Ushpiz in his state, and discussed various avenues for cooperation. As a result, Modi has a fair knowledge and experience of dealing with Israel. Moreover, the Israeli envoy expressed his full hope of realising the potential of India-Israel relations in various fields under the new government. The overall impetus was given when the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu called on Modi and congratulated the latter on his success in the national elections and pledged to deepen cooperation between the two countries.
Coming to recent developments on defence during the time of the previous government, India and Israel had clinched few important arms deals towards the end of 2013. These deals pertained to the procurement of 262 Barak-1 missiles at an estimated cost of $143 million, and the approval of the Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS) for the procurement of nearly 15 Heron UAVs from Israel, which will likely enhance reconnaissance and surveillance capabilities of Indian armed forces along the borders of Pakistan and China. The previous government, in February 2014, also signed agreements such as the Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty in Criminal Matters; Agreements on Protection of Classified Materials and Agreement on Cooperation in Homeland and Public Security, to strengthen bilateral security relations with Israel. Now, it remains to be seen as to how far the new government will carry forward these agreements signed, and that too without any kickbacks. It could be recollected that Indo-Israeli cooperation has also been undermined by allegations of bribery and corruption in certain arms deals when India’s Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) conducted an investigation of Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI) and Rafael regarding the supply of Barak-1 missiles, a deal conducted by the BJP-led NDA government in 2000. Due to this, India’s left-wing parties demanded that India refuse all deals with Israel, and particularly with IAI. However, this investigation was closed in December 2013, and further invigorated India-Israel defence ties. Such controversies have given a good opportunity for left leaning political parties, India’s pro-Palestinian groups, and social activists, for pressurising India to curb overall ties with Israel, let alone the defence cooperation.
While it is certainly early to predict the exact nature of India-Israel defence ties under the Modi government, it is speculated that both the countries would make significant headways on this front. Common threat perceptions faced by both India and Israel from their immediate adversaries and the rising terror activities targeting them will continue to remain as a binding force in their bilateral relations. Alongside India’s imports of Israeli-made weapons systems, robust cooperation in intelligence sharing and counterterrorism will be given utmost importance by the present defence and foreign policy establishment. For instance, India’s Defence Secretary R.K. Mathur paid a three-day visit to Israel during 1-3 July and discussed arms deals, including missile development programme, and also the procurement of two Israeli-made Airborne Early Warning and Control Systems (AWACS) for the Indian Air Force. Israel has been pushing New Delhi to procure its Iron Dome air defence system for protection against incoming long and short range missile threats. However, no major breakthrough has been reported so far. India has once again urged Israel to pace up the already-delayed joint project for Long Range Surface to Air Missile, which is required for its new aircraft carrier, INS Vikramaditya.
Considering the longstanding ties, defence cooperation between India and Israel is likely to get further boost but cautiously. As the former Israeli ambassador eloquently puts it,
“We feel very comfortable sharing technology with India. We're comfortable with co-development and co-production. We do some pretty impressive things together. But we can get more out of it. Whatever policies your government enacts, you will find Israeli government, companies and armed forces to be strategic partners.”
Nevertheless, Israel might face a competition from the incoming foreign arms vendors, particularly, the US and France. Modi’s upcoming visit to the US this year is likely to cement defence cooperation between New Delhi and Washington DC with drones being an important item on the agenda. This is in view of the rising threats to India’s internal security and for counter-terrorism measures, both within and along the borders, including the coastline. Moreover, Pentagon has already demonstrated its willingness to offer “groundbreaking” defence technologies to India, including helicopter and UAVs. Additionally, the Obama administration is hoping for co-production and co-developments of items such as drones and missiles with India as a part of much-talked-about “Defence Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI)” with New Delhi. As it is, the US-made Javelin missile was in a face-off with Israeli-made Spike anti-tank guide missiles in a contract meant for the Indian Army. If the US succeeds to enter the Indian defence market by supplying missiles, anti-missiles systems and drones, then a stiff competition to Israel cannot be ruled out.
With regard to counter-terrorism or counterinsurgency, only time can tell what new measures will be taken up under the new Indian leadership to combat this menace jointly. That said, India has already used Israeli equipment along the Line of Control (LOC) in Jammu and Kashmir, and the 2008 Mumbai terror attack stirred a growing interest in Israeli counter-terrorism techniques. In the past, Israeli counter-terrorism training was limited to technology and equipment transfer. However, since the late-2000s, Israeli commandos have offered to provide training to Indian troops at various locations in India, including jungles, mountains, and highly populated urban zones. Amid this, what remains as a major challenge is the extent to which India can deploy Israeli tactics while combating terrorism and insurgency problems along the territorial borders and within. India is still recalcitrant about adopting Israeli methods while dealing with terror activities. There are fears that close ties with the Jewish state, or an intensive military cooperation, could lead to the strengthening of radical Islamist movements and its support bases in India. For instance, there already have been reports of Indian Muslim youths joining the Sunni fighters Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in Iraq. It is also believed that these Indian youngsters will not only fight for the ISIS but also against their nation. Further, as a mark of solidarity, several Kashmiri citizens staged violent protests against the ongoing Israeli offensive in Gaza Strip. These developments may constrain India’s efforts in terms of co-operating with Israel in adopting their method of combating terrorism.
Tellingly, Modi’s government faced the first heat from the opposition parties when the Indian foreign minister refused to discuss a resolution in the Rajya Sabha on the current Gaza crisis. Prior to this, during the initial stages of the crisis, alongside expressing concerns over the Israeli air strikes resulting into the loss of lives and damages to property in Gaza, India remained alarmed at the cross-border provocations by targeting parts of Israel with rockets. But this stand of India was not well-received by both Israeli and Palestinian diplomats in New Delhi and exhibited their disappointments over India’s statement. Nevertheless, in view of the cordial relations shared by India with both the rivalling parties, Sushma Swaraj said, “Any discourteous reference to any friendly country can impact our relations with them”, and further reiterated India’s Palestinian policy that remains unchanged. The minister also mentioned the need to condemn the violence meted out by both sides. However, as the furore mounted with such indifferent approach by India to the crisis, New Delhi ultimately condemned Israel’s “disproportionate use of force in Gaza” at the UN Human Rights Council. India’s vote at the UN against Israel evoked several reactions: both criticisms and acceptance.
India’s posture on the current crisis has once again brought back to limelight how increasingly difficult a diplomatic tightrope it has to walk while maintaining a delicate balance between Israeli friendship and the Palestinian cause. However, what seems certain is New Delhi’s disinterest in taking sides with either of the two rivalling parties. That said, due to inevitable pressures from a few political parties, India had no choice but to end up criticising Israel for its offensive measures. This again largely reflects how domestic politics still influences New Delhi’s Israel or Palestinian policies or foreign policy in general.
Unsurprisingly, as it happened in the past, the Left-wing party CPI (M) once again pressurised the government to immediately stop India’s purchase of arms from Israel. However, this issue did not lead to any major debate as Sushma Swaraj countered it by pointing out at how this left party, being in the coalition under the UPA-1 government, failed to stop the robust military cooperation between India and Israel. Several attempts had been made but went in vain. As a result, India-Israel arms trade is the most important target-point for various left wingers and social activists in the country. Now, given the heightened criticisms for India’s continuous cordial ties with Israel, dealings on matters related to military-security affairs are likely to be carried out very cautiously, but there is no question of shelving them. This is mainly due to the nature of cooperation that exists between the two countries at present.
Despite the above challenges, India’s quest for its own technological advancement in the defence industry provides the single biggest incentive to expand its ties with the Jewish state. The bilateral relationship between the two will continue to be driven by these close defence ties and shared national security challenges. While doing so, India will continue to maintain its delicate diplomatic balance vis-à-vis its relations with the Arab countries in the Middle East, and its traditional support for the Palestinian cause. It should not be forgotten that it was during the last BJP government that India deepened its ties with Israel and simultaneously forged better relations with countries in the region, including Iran. The need of the hour is that India should adopt an independent foreign policy and should not let a particular relation dictate the other.
Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are personal.
Alvite Singh Ningthoujam, Ph.D. Candidate, Centre for West Asian Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, Fellow at the Begin-Sadat Centre for Strategic Studies, Bar-Ilan University, Israel (2010-2011).
