Young Voices

Multilateral organizations of all hues and designs abound in the rapidly globalizing international system. All multilateral entities define and redefine their existential purposes, rendering both a spatial and temporal understanding. And, the Commonwealth has always had to fight its colonial image to prove its sustainability with changing times. As an air of obscurity hangs over the Commonwealth group of nations, it needs to prove its mettle in finding the common purpose of thought and action among its member countries.

On 13th August, 2015, Mr. Shwe Mann, the speaker of the lower house of Myanmar parliament was ousted from his role as the Chairman of the reigning Union Solidarity Development Party (USDP). Reports indicate that this was an outcome of the power struggle between Mr. Shwe Mann and President Thein Sein. Mr. Shwe Mann’s increasing political popularity in Myanmar and his close ties with the opposition leader were seen as grounds for his ouster.

The Caspian Basin has over the years, evolved as an arena for competition and contest among the great powers. The major imperative behind this constant tussle for control and influence has been the rich yet underexploited hydrocarbon wealth that lay beneath the region. The unsettled legal status of the Caspian Basin notwithstanding, the littorals (particularly the triumvirate comprising Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan) have nonetheless depended on outside investment to boost their hydrocarbon sector and improve their economies.

The first decade of the twenty-first century has witnessed social movements and citizen action ranging from overthrowing authoritarian governments as seen in Arab Spring to challenging the principles of established governments in the Occupy Movements. There have been attempts at questioning the established order and creating a space for contestation and negotiation by these citizens.

March 03, 2014 was a different day for China. It definitely was not a usual Monday – because most parents in Kunming, Yunnan were wondering if it would be a good idea to send their children to school that day. Businessmen in the south western province were not looking forward to a new week either, as customers had reduced by about two-thirds the day before and most small businesses had reported a stagnated growth.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Xi’an had fuelled hopes on the Chinese side that India was finally warming up to the ‘One Belt One Road’ (OBOR) initiative. Studious silence on this matter is albeit a reminder that New Delhi’s reservations remain steadfast viz-a-viz OBOR. In this context, how insecurities can be managed and a better economic environment can be created in the region emerges as a burning question.

What is OBOR?

The bilateral relationship between India and South Korea has made great strides in recent times. In this regard, India’s economic liberalization in early 1990s and adoption of the ‘Look East Policy’ as well as South Korea’s ‘New Asia Diplomacy Initiative’ has played a vital role.[i] Since 1990s, for almost two decades, New Delhi-Seoul relationship was largely driven by economic factors. The strategic context of it was not harnessed adequately until recent times.

The strategy of "Winning hearts and minds" has remained a common factor in the "Global War on Terror" initiated by the Bush Doctrine as well as President Obama’s endeavors abroad.  However, the US strategy to counter Al-Qaeda and contain the growth of the Islamic State (ISIS) has largely challenged the concept of “winning hearts and minds”. The extensive use of American air power to attack the Al-Qaeda cells in Yemen and Pakistan, as well as the ISIS targets in Iraq and Syria have faced serious criticisms.

Development towards production of Tactical Nuclear Weapons (TNWs) by Pakistan has increased much tension in South Asia. Experts from around the world have been recognizing and highlighting the risks that come along with the introduction of TNWs. The difficulties that the US and the former Soviet Union had in managing these weapons have been well established. When examined in the South Asian context, studies have accepted that these difficulties only worsen and have recommended that Pakistan should do away with these weapons, if stability is to be realized in the region.

While the news of al-Qaeda’s South Asian wing has taken India by storm, there was another piece of news, which did not receive so much media attention in the country. On September 2, some of Taliban’s hard-line leaders had said that they might consider aligning with the Islamic State (IS) after considering the legitimacy of its Caliphate.[i]