S. Geethanjali is a second-year master’s student at the Department of Geopolitics and International Relations, Manipal Institute of Social Sciences, Humanities and Arts, Manipal Academy of Higher Education (Institution of Eminence), Manipal, India.
“Let the North of the globe, the Arctic become a zone of peace” – when former president of Soviet Union Mikhail Gorbachev stated these words in 1987, he might have expected a sustained cooperation between Eastern and Western Hemispheres to protect the Arctic region from nuclear and military activities and competition for resources. Various efforts were undertaken to bolster cooperation in the region among Arctic states, indigenous communities, non-Arctic states and other international institutions, for better governance, peace and stability. The efforts include proposal for denuclearisation; establishment of Arctic council; as well as negotiating legally binding agreements on maritime search and rescue, marine pollution and scientific cooperation. But this expectation has melted away just like the Arctic sea ice.
A major concern in the region since a very long time has been climate change which led to melting of Arctic sea ice at a rapid rate, creating challenges and opportunities for both Arctic and non-Arctic actors. With ice melt, the region is revealing new resource reserves and maritime routes, and at the same time is adversely affecting environment, livelihood and societies at a global level. These developments are transforming Arctic geopolitics, and the region is no longer restricted to peaceful scientific research but has been growing as a new hub of commercial development as well as an arena for strategic competition.
The Arctic region is governed by eight Arctic states – Russia, Canada, USA (Alaska), Finland, Norway, Denmark (Greenland), Sweden, and Iceland, independently as well as through the Arctic Council. In 2013, China entered the scene as a Permanent Observer in the Arctic Council after a long wait. Though China was present in the region for a long time, becoming an observer gave it more leverage to participate in the Arctic governance. This altered the security dynamics of the region with three major powers – the USA, Russia, and China – competing for resources, power and influence. In the light of current events which have unfolded in Venezuela and Iran, and the US president Donald Trump’s claim over Greenland, the Arctic region has come to limelight once again.
More than half of the Arctic coastline is part of Russian territory. As for the US, it became part of the Arctic region because of Alaska, purchased in 1867 from the Russian Empire. China has been extensively cooperating with Russia for establishing its presence in the region. China intents to benefit from the opening of the Northern Sea Route and use its presence in the region to raise Beijing’s position as a maritime great power.
Russia’s claims on the Arctic, traced back to 16th century, were driven by the pursuit for resources and to secure trading routes. During Soviet era, the region was used as test site to expand its nuclear capabilities. The Russian Federation’s stance on Arctic tried to carry forward Gorbachev’s idea, and thus Moscow cooperated with other Arctic states to maintain peace in the region. However, certain events like planting of the Russian flag under the Arctic Ocean in 2007 raised concerns among other Arctic states. After 2014 Crimean annexation, Russia’s approach towards Arctic became more competitive and confrontational. Apart from its ‘energy superpower’ ambitions, Russia also has military interest in the region, mainly to deploy ballistic missile submarines, to protect its ability to confront NATO and secure its growing economic development, investment, and commercial interests. Russia’s Arctic strategy over the years highlights its objectives such as comprehensive socio-economic development, resource exploration, strengthening science and technology capacity, and protecting sovereignty and territorial integrity.
The US has varied interest in the Arctic, ranging from homeland security to sustainable development. In 2013, the Obama White House released US’ first National Strategy for the Arctic Region, where it affirmed the goal to meet its national security needs, protect environment, manage resources, protect indigenous communities, and encourage scientific research and promote international cooperation in the Arctic region. Again, in 2022, the second National Strategy for the Arctic Region was released by Biden-Harris Administration. But unlike previous time, the Arctic was considered critical, and it recognized the increasing strategic competition in the region. The U.S. Department of War released its first Arctic Strategy in 2013, second in 2016 and third in 2019 – all of which highlights the aim to achieve a secure and stable Arctic where U.S. security and interests are protected. In the 2024 Arctic Strategy it further includes initiatives for enhancing domain awareness, increasing communication, intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance capabilities, and strengthening capabilities by conducting training alongside the US allies. The 2019 and 2024 Arctic Strategies of the U.S. DoW posits activities of Russia and China as a threat to Arctic security. Though rising Russian and Chinese influence has helped in the transition of the US’ approach to the Arctic from cooperative to competitive, the efforts still falls short. The Chinese presence and influence in the region have grown at a faster rate and it has even indulged in joint military exercise with Russia.
The Sino-Russian partnership in the Arctic has expanded to the military levels whereby they are engaging in joint patrols near Alaska. China has achieved a milestone in its Arctic endeavours whereby a container ship completed a voyage from China to UK via Northern Sea Route within 20 days. Meanwhile, in 2025, with Trump in power, the US seems to have taken a different approach towards the Arctic. The US National Security Strategy of 2025 does not have dedicated section for the Arctic unlike previous times. Experts believe that the new approach is to focus not on the Arctic as whole, but specifically on the North American Arctic which includes Alaska, Canada, and Greenland. Currently, all attention is grabbed by Greenland as Trump has been outwardly expressing his interest in taking control of the island stating national security reasons and the increasing Sino-Russian influence in the region.
Greenland is the world’s biggest island, 80 percent of which is covered by ice cap and glaciers. The island is part of the Kingdom of Denmark, with self-government and its own parliament. The US has been viewing Greenland as strategically important and has a base at Thule in northwest Greenland, currently known as Pituffik Space Base. The base supports various missile warning and defence and space surveillance operations for the US and NATO. The location of Greenland, right in the middle of shortest route for missiles between Russia and the USA, is what makes it crucial for the US. The Russian missiles and bombers need to fly above Greenland to reach the American mainland, justifying act of the US for building a military base in the island. Greenland is also home to rare earth minerals that the US needs. The US is also insecure about the alleged rising presence of Russian and Chinese vessels sailing around Greenland.
There are opinions that, the US government’s focus on Greenland is ‘misplaced’. Some scholars believe that the US can sufficiently manage threats from Russia by cooperating with the Kingdom of Denmark, Canada, and the NATO alliance. Whereas, the Sino-Russian cooperation has been focussing on northern Pacific Ocean near Alaska. The presence of Chinese bombers and Chinese vessels in the northern Bering Strait and disruption of Alaskan Fisheries due to military activities are raising concerns that the US may have to change the focus of their attention towards Alaska, when addressing security concerns in the Arctic.
Klaus Dodds argues that “the Arctic is melting, thawing and becoming more flammable – and geopolitical fuel is being added to the fire.” As the Arctic and Non-Arctic states are busy planning their future strategy in the region, there are few forgotten facts such as environment protection, sustainable development and securing rights of indigenous communities which were once priorities and now has become a means to gain trust and build image. The current geopolitical situation is taking a toll on the earlier promises of countries to protect environment, responsible management of resources and respecting rights and interests of indigenous communities. The Arctic once promoted as “zone of peace” has transformed to a “zone of competition”.
Disclaimer: The views expressed in the article are personal.
